Means of Ascent: The Years of Lyndon Johnson

Means of Ascent traces Johnson's career from a rather lackluster legislator (i.e. in passing national legislation) in the U.S. House of Representatives, to his all or nothing gamble on the 1948 Texas U.S. Senate race. In between these years, we learn of Johnson's "war service", his wife's role in her husband's congressional office, their business dealings with a radio station in Austin, and other events. All of this is integral to Johnson's story and his political ambitions. As Caro discussed, these were not Johnson's happiest years as he seemed unsatisfied with his position in Congress and his perceived lack of power.Caro introduces us to another key political figure in this book, Coke R. Stevenson. This was the man referred to as "Mr. Texas". Caro's portrayal of Stevenson offers a stunning contrast to the portrayal of Johnson. Coke Stevenson's life journey seemed to be the stuff of legends. He was a self-educated man who lived the outdoors. He reluctantly joined the world of Texas politics to get what he saw as a job that needed to be done done. He served as a state legislator, speaker of the house, lieutenant governor and governor. Stevenson seemed to represent what Texans liked most about their state and themselves. His popularity was perhaps unrivaled by any other state political figure. Perhaps Caro's portrayal of Stevenson is a bit too laudatory, but if Caro's task is to set the differences between Johnson and Stevenson in terms of their character traits, their personalities, their politics, etc., then he has succeeded brilliantly.Once again, the Johnson that emerges in the heat of another major campaign is the same tireless, unstoppable man who will go to any and all lengths to win, as seen in Caro's other books. During the 1948 Democratic Primary, Johnson even utilized a new mode of transportation, the helicopter, for his campaign stops. Stevenson, in contrast, simply drove to different towns and county courthouse squares to meet and greet people, with little press attention. Stevenson, according to Caro, trusted that Texans already knew his record and where he stood and therefore he didn't have to respond to Johnson's attacks.But once again, the nasty side of politics evinced itself. Large amounts of special interest money were used in the campaign, especially on Johnson's behalf. Votes were bought, especially from ethnic voting blocs from border counties where political bosses like George Parr reigned supreme. Additional voter fraud issues like stuffing of ballot boxes and the likes would come to light as well.Many people, even in Johnson's inner circle, knew the hurdles they faced in defeating the popular Stevenson, a man regarded as unbeatable. In the end, Johnson would win by 87 votes, made possible no doubt by the hundreds if not more than hundreds of votes added to ballot boxes such as in the infamous Precinct 13 of Jim Wells County, and probably from other counties too. Parr's right hand man Luis Salas confessed this later and even said that Stevenson votes had been counted as Johnson votes.Stevenson didn't give in without a fight. A Federal District Court judge took up the case and things began to appear bleak for Johnson's electoral "victory". Johnson's men, however, proved skillful in their legal maneuvering to halt the judge's order to open the disputed ballot boxes from Precinct 13 and possibly from other areas. With the assistance of Abe Fortas, they secured a hearing in front of U.S. Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black, who decided in favor of the Johnson team to stop the opening of ballot boxes. This decision ended the dispute and Johnson became the Democratic nominee and eventual winner in the fall election.Johnson had indeed staked everything on this senate race and had won. But though he won the battle, it seems almost irrefutable that his victory was tainted by real voter fraud. Caro's treatment of both Johnson and Stevenson has earned some criticism. The portrait of Johnson that emerges is not flattering. Johnson certainly had some undesirable traits, but the nature of the politics and corruption seen at that time also contributed to the unflattering picture that is presented here, though they were often connected to his campaign. Stevenson is portrayed as a rock solid character who seemingly possessed very few flaws, though Caro did briefly touch on part of his record as governor of Texas, especially concerning the lynching of a black man during his tenure, as well as other elements of Stevenson's very conservative philosophy. Whether the character portrayals of either one of or of both is totally fair and accurate, is not for me to say, but I think Caro has done his homework and his evaluations seem solid in many ways.Caro excels in presenting the human dimensions to his narrative, especially in the quest for power. The thrill of the campaign also comes to life. If you're a political junkie, you'll love this book. Overall, a great reading experience and great insights into Lyndon Johnson's life and times.

After having read Robert Caro's Path to Power, the first volume of his monumental trilogy on the life of Lyndon Baines Johnson, I came away with the feeling that although Johnson was an utter scoundrel, he had a few redeeming qualities. Now that I've read Path to Power, any redemption Johnson had earned in my eyes has been stripped away.In this volume, Caro lays bare once and for all the evidence that anyone of any political stripe should need to discover that Johnson was driven solely by naked ambition and was utterly bereft of principle or scruple. No one or nothing was sacred if it stood between him and the power he craved.In his losing 1941 Senate race against the charlatan Pappy O'Daniel, Johnson ran on a platform of Roosevelt, Roosevelt, Roosevelt. He made a public show in Washington of being one of FDR's most devoted lickspittles. Yet behind the scenes, he made deals with some of the most anti-Roosevelt money men in Texas and was able to convince them that he was really a conservative. Johnson narrowly lost that election and the lesson learned was that he had to steal more votes than he supposed his opponent to have stolen and then not have them counted until after the "last" votes were in.Reading between the lines, I can guess that FDR was finally on to him as Truman certainly was.Then there was the matter of his "heroic" war record. Even today when a candidate's claims are so much easier to check for veracity we have those who brazenly lie a la LBJ about their wartime service.LBJ comes off at his worst during the 1948 Democratic Senatorial primary in which he and his minions stole the election from former Governor Coke Stevenson by arranging the stuffing of ballot boxes and in some cases, paying voters to vote for Johnson. When the "results" were contested by Stevenson, Johnson and his legal team lied and cheated their way through the system all the way to using a Supreme Court Justice to install Johnson as the official Democratic candidate for the US Senate.A few people come off as heroes: Coke Stevenson himself, Circuit Court Judge T Whitfield Davidson, Federal Master in Chancery William R Smith and a handful of reformers in Jim Wells County and other South Texas counties who had the real courage to stand up to jefe George Parr, his enforcers and his pistoleros. Others include the very brave indeed Mexican-American residents of those counties who were willing to publicly testify that though they were counted as having voted, they had in fact not voted at all or had voted for Stevenson.Besides those whom the reader would expect to be slimeballs, Abe Fortas, Tom Clark,and Supreme Court Justice Hugo Black emerge from the sordid affair bathed in the stench of corruption.Although its obvious that the author is developing an increasing distatse for Johnson, he does not neglect showing the shrewd and forward looking side of the man. Johnson proves himself many times to be a keen reader of men and part of his political success stems from his ability to make snap decisions on what is and isn't going to work as far as campaigning goes. The story of his brilliant strategy of barnstorming the state by helicopter as his better known and hugely popular opponent Coke Stevenson slogs along county by county the old fashioned way is one of the high points of the book.It was that modern and then novel approach, coupled with his use of polling, vicious ad hominem attacks on Stevenson and mass mailings thinly disguised as newspapers that put Johnson in the position that stealing a few thousand votes could win the election for him. At the beginning of the campaign, almost no one outside his camp thought he had a chance of winning.I recommend this spellbinding and spectacular book to anyone interested in politics. Its a reminder to all of us how ignoble the quest for office can be, and a warning to all of us that we must constantly be on guard to ensure the fairness and sanctity of the principle of one man, one vote.

The summit of political biography.

This is the second book in Robert Caro's Magnus Opus 4 volume biography of President Lyndon Johnson (LBJ). Although not as long as his first weighty tome it focuses on LBJ's life from America's eventual entry into the Second World War leading up to and including his second run for a Texas Senate seat in 1948.I believe that Caro added an introduction where he recounts LBJ's conversion to civil rights to remind the reader that he did do some good as this book provides no redeeming features to a corrupt distasteful character.Despite his tub thumbing attitude regarding `serving with the boys' in the coming war, he tried to wrangle out active service and managed to serve on the front line in California, partying and continuing one of his affairs whilst his wife worried about where he was. His one day as an observer on a bombing raid amazingly led to an award of a medal by MacArthur, who no doubt was trying to curry favour with one of Roosevelt's favourite congressman (the pilot et. al. did not win anything!). In later life LBJ elaborated this one day into a distinguish war time career. Through his long-suffering wife he built a radio business through abusing his government contacts and influence, but the focus of the book was his senate race against Coke Stevenson.Carro depicts Coke Stevenson as the ideal cowboy all American/Texas hero. Although you know the outcome you cannot help rooting for this fellow. LBJ eventually won through throwing the money at the campaign which was funded through the Texas business interests he had garnered massive public sector contracts during the New Deal. When this did not work he won through blatant outright corruption.Coke did try to fight the outcome through the courts but failed. As Carro used the introduction to remind us of some good LBJ did, I was relieved that he did relate what eventually happened to Coke which was a sort of happy ending.LBJ's story is Shakespearian in its depth and I don't know why Hollywood has not made a film about this? Possibly it does not show American democracy in particularly good light!

Caro's book opens with a look forward to Lyndon Johnson as President - the plus side on civil rights and the minus side on Vietnam - and certainly made me hope he'll live long enough to write the chronicle of those years of LBJ as president.Readers of other volumes of this biography - I have read volumes 4 and 1 - will know what to expect. Painstaking research over many years; and flowing narrative; convincing judgements about Johnson, good and bad. And much to give the reader pause for thought.If I feel just slightly less enthusiastic about this volume it is because ultimately not quite enough happens. The first part of the book documents Johnson's record in the war years and his becoming a millionaire. The second part his race for the Senate in 1948. Having lost in 1941 through corrupt practices, this time he exploits corrupt practices to make sure he wins - going the extra mile in corruption as necessary to achieve his goal.As with other volumes, this book doesn't just tell us about Johnson. I found particularly rewarding the story of Coke Stevenson, Johnson's opponent in the 1948 race and the true victor of it, a genuinely heroic figure for whose 'happy ending' I felt very grateful. And at one point Robert Hamer, who comes out of retirement briefly to help Coke Stevenson try to prove electoral fraud. He has been wounded 17 times in his life as a Texas lawman, and twice left for dead. He has also killed 53 men. And in his later 60s still clearly much large than life - and much larger than John Wayne.I look forward to reading volume 3.

Disappointed in the extreme, of the first three cd’s one and three would not read. What a waste of money.

A must read series if you're interested in political biography. Hell, if you're interested in fantastic storytelling! A lifetime of work has gone into these books and it really shows. Spectacular.